Note: The Preface and Chapters One through Twelve can be found here: The 15% Solution
This is the fourteenth installment of a project that is likely to extend over a two-year-period from January, 2010. It is the serialization of a book entitled The 15% Solution: A Political History of American Fascism, 2001-2022. This chapter presents the Address of President Jefferson Davis Hague on July 4, 2011. In it, by decree, under emergency powers duly bestowed upon him by a previous Constitutional amendment, he establishes “The New American Republics.” This is an apartheid state, which divides the nation into four fully separated sections, christened the “White,” “Negro,” “Indian,” and “Hispanic.” The text then goes on to describe how this massive separation was accomplished and what began to happen under it.
Under the pseudonym Jonathan Westminster, the book is purportedly published in the year 2048 on the 25th Anniversary of the Restoration of Constitutional Democracy in the Re-United States. It was actually published in 1996 by the Thomas Jefferson Press, located in Port Jefferson, NY. The copyright is held by the Press. You can find a complete archive of the chapters published to date on TPJmagazine.us (lower right hand corner of the home page, http://tpjmagazine.us/15percent) as well as the Disclaimer, the cast of characters, the author’s bio., cover copy, and several (favorable) reviews.
A recent commentator had this to say about the book: “I am in the middle of reading The 15% Solution. For some reason I assumed it was a recent publication. About 100 pages in I looked to see when it was published. It was published in 1996. That absolutely shocked me. What it was saying then is exactly what is happening now. The race-baiting, anti-homosexual crap that takes one’s attention away from what is actually happening, and it was written about 15 years ago. Even the 14th amendment controversy is discussed in this book, as well as so much more – ownership of the media, talk radio, etc. This is truly frightening, and if the Dems do not wake up and fight, I fear there is much worse to come.” Indeed!
2011: The Declaration of Peace and the Establishment of The New American Republics
Presidential Decree No. Two:
The Declaration of Peace (Monday, July 4, 2011)
My fellow citizens. For many years, following in the footsteps of our great Republican forebears, the most perceptive leaders of our movement have been telling us that ours is a nation at war with itself, that we have been engaged in a civil war without knowing it, that it is a civil war in which those of us who believe in God and the best of American values have been engaged in a struggle to defend those very values against the dark forces of evil.
Many of us have not wanted to believe those words. I must admit to you that I have not wanted to believe them myself. For we are traditionally a people of people of peace, a kind, gentle people, as our Lord Jesus Christ has taught us to be. And our Party has followed in that tradition. Every step we have taken in the decade we have been in power for the sake of the Lord has been aimed at amelioration of those conditions which have made some of our fellow countrymen less than happy.
But now, my fellow citizens, it pains me to tell you that I have come to the conclusion that we have failed, and I have been wrong. I should assure you that we have not failed through any lack of effort on our part. Rather we have failed because the methods we have so far used to address the problem we face cannot solve it.
We are in a civil war. And those of us who believe in God and the American Way are losing. But I can tell you that with God’s blessing neither I, your President, nor the American Christian Nation Party that I lead, are going to allow defeat to overtake us.
To solve any problem, you first must know its cause. Long and deep analysis, in consultation with the political and religious leaders of our Party, has lead me to conclude that the principal cause of all our troubles, for members of all the races of the United States—and it pains me to say this—is race‑mixing. Having people of different races live together, go to school together, work together, especially when one race has to bear financial and spiritual burdens created by the other races, simply does not work. I know that many of you will understand what I am saying, and will agree with what I am saying.
Years ago, the liberals who have done so much damage to America and the American way of life tried to convince us all that we live in what they called in their own peculiar way of speaking, a “multi‑cultural society,” that all the races in America had value and contributions to make, that there was no single, dominant, Right, way of thinking and doing for Americans.
They tried to change our educational system, our cultural institutions, our basic values. They even tried to re‑write our history. But we know better. There is a Right Way. It is the Christian, White Way. And the other ways are wrong.
The liberals succeeded in none of what they were after, thank the Lord. We know who settled this country. We know who this country belongs to. We know who God made this country for. He made it for us. And with us it will remain.
We also know that God made two kinds of men: smart ones, and not‑so‑smart ones. We know, from the work of those great scientists Arthur Jensen, Sir Cyril Burt, William Schockley, Michael Levin, Charles Murray, and Richard Herrnstein (Naureckas), that the Negro is simply the genetic inferior of the white man. We know this too from the Word of God in the Bible. Both science and the Bible tell us that this is true. Need I say more? Can anyone doubt the truth of what I say?
We are the smart ones. As for the others, well, they are the ones who are not‑so‑smart. When you mix smart and not‑so‑smart, what do you get? Nothing good. You pull the smart down, but you don’t raise the not‑so‑smart up. And that is what has happened here in our great nation. For all our efforts, we and our kind are still being pulled down, held back, retarded, by them. And they have become utterly dependent on us. That is good neither for us nor for them. That is the source of the conflict which is so harmful to both us and them.
We tried, ladies and gentlemen, we tried to create a color‑blind society all these years (Raskin), a society in which no man would be given any advantage over any other man, by the law. You know we have tried. And you know how hard we have tried. But our efforts have been in vain. We have learned along the hard way that neither the white man nor the Negro can be happy if they try to live together.
And so my friends, finally, the solution has become clear. Racial separation is what we need, both to lift that unfair and unwanted burden off the white man’s shoulders, and to give the Negro the chance to prove, to himself, to us, and to the world, that indeed if left alone, if given the chance, if removed from his dependency state, he can make it on his own, that, in the final analysis, he does not need the white man, any more than we want him.
As the great Alexander Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederate States of America, once said (Cole): “Our new government is founded on the opposite idea of equality of the races. Its cornerstone rests upon the great truth that the Negro is not equal to the white man.”
Therefore, on this 235th Anniversary of the original Declaration of Independence, I declare the independence from each other of the four major American races: we Whites, the Negroes, the Indians, and the Hispanics.
By the power vested in me by Section 6 of the 32nd Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, I hereby decree a Special National Emergency in the matter of race mixing. With this power, I hereby issue a Declaration of Peace between the races. I declare an end to this cultural civil war we have all been living with for the past two decades or more.
To achieve this Peace that we all desire from the very bottom of our hearts, I decree the establishment of a new structure for our national government, under the framework of our Constitution. Following the required Constitutional procedures, this decree has already been approved by each House of Congress. The Congress has also voted to adjourn indefinitely, most generously giving me the authority to call it back into session the moment that proves necessary.
I call our new national structure The New American Republics, the NAR, under the Constitution of the United States. There will be four such Republics: the White Republic, the Negro Republic, the Indian Republic, and the Hispanic Republic.
The White Republic, as is our due and our just desserts [sic], shall consist of most of the territory of the contiguous 48 states. Certain urban areas shall constitute the territory of the Negro Republic. The Indian Republic shall consist of the territory of certain present Indian Reservations which lie to the west of the Mississippi River. The Hispanic Republic shall consist of certain territories south of the Rio Grand [sic] River which choose to join our new confederation.
I am pleased to note especially that we are finally making good on the pledge to our Indian friends that was contained in the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 (Campbell, p. 168):
“The utmost good faith shall always be observed toward the Indians, their lands and property shall never be taken from them without their consent; and in their property, rights, and liberty, they shall never be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and lawful wars authorized by congress; but laws founded in justice and humanity shall from time to time be made, for preventing wrongs being done to them, and for preserving peace and friendship with them.”
For the duration of this National Emergency, I decree that the authority of the state legislatures is suspended. The state Governors, reporting to me, will rule directly. Congress has endorsed that decree. The authority of the State legislatures shall be restored when the present National Emergency comes to an end. The territories of the Negro, Indian, and Hispanic Republics shall be self-governing. Further, I decree the suspension of the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution of the United States and declare that next year I shall be standing once again as a candidate for the Presidency of the United States.
Ladies and gentlemen, my fellow American citizens under God. We face difficult times. Some would describe them as tough times. But as our great forebear, President Richard Milhous Nixon, once said: “When the going gets tough, the tough go shopping.” No, I mean “the tough get going.”
We are tough, you and I. And we are underway. Once we realized, finally, with the help of Almighty God and the spirit of his only Son, Jesus, just what is and who are holding our country back, the course we must follow, as painful as it may be for some, became clear. And that is the course upon which we are embarking today.
With your help, with your faith, with your trust in God, and with God’s trust in us, we will, we shall, we must succeed. Thank you, God bless you, and good night.
A Curley Oakwood Radio Broadcast Transcript (July 5, 2011)
It is a glorious day, my friends, a glorious day. As we look back on what is truly American about the Glorious Fourth, our barbecues and parades, our speeches and our marching bands, our hearts swelling with the pride of true American patriots, ladies and gentlemen, across the fruited plain we can celebrate this event, the founding of the New American Republics as the one, the one event above all the other great achievements of President Jefferson Davis Hague and the American Christian Nation Party that is going to move our country to God’s City on the Hill.
As you know, when our beloved President first took office in 2004 our country was in a terrible mess: inflation, crime, the niggers, spics, and slanteyes taking over everything, taxes on the honest white working man going out of sight, the Democrat liberalniggerlovers in Congress giving away your hard-earned dollars.
Since that time President Hague has labored long and hard to clean up the mess. While his efforts have met with considerable success, they have not met with as much success as he would like. The influence of the liberalniggerlovers, of the Democrat Party (may it not rest in peace), of the Counter Culture elite, the New Deal, and the niggerloving Old Reconstruction, are still with us. As the President so eloquently said, race mixing and all our attempts to build a truly color‑blind society just haven’t worked. Indeed, as our President has shown us, they can’t work, because of the mental inferiority of the Negro.
J.D. Hague and the American Christian Nation Party, blessed be they by God, had the guts to say out loud what everybody knows: the real cause of all our dissatisfaction, of our anger, of our frustration, is the Negro. We just must be separated from him.
And now in his infinite wisdom, guided by the hand of God, our Mr. Jeff has established the New American Republics. We are, if I may presume to borrow an old saying, going to be free at last. And in their own way, the niggers will be too. As for the Spics, they will be dealt with soon. But, and may I say it, may I, with your graceful permission, stick it in the liberalniggerlovers’ craw—sorry about that, just really sorry about that. It is not too soon for the celebration to begin.
A Connie Conroy Note (July 7, 2011)
Well, well, well, the Prez has out‑done himself this time. It’s a biggie. There is even some whispering going on around the White House. Is he really going to get away with this one? After all, they say, he says it’s all Constitutional, but what he really has done is set up a new country and put himself in as, dare I say it, dictator.
Well, yeah. That’s all true. But it’s also true that it’s all Constitutional, the way we got the Constitution to be written. It’s all legal. We won all those critical elections, local, state, and Federal, fair and square. We amended the Constitution fair and square too. If you look back, you can see how this brilliant guy got to here, one careful step at a time.
As for the country, is there anything else he could have done, really? Things are getting bad, really. Thank God we don’t publish the numbers anymore, but unemployment continues to go up. The rich, who just love us, get ever‑richer, but there are more and more poor. Self‑responsible or not, there are just more of them, of all colors. The camps are starting to fill up, I hear.
And so then what happens. Challenges to our authority. The HM tells us there’s lots of challenges to our authority, sometimes more than they can handle under the current set‑up. Sometimes, even some niggers and spics have gotten together to make trouble with some renegade whites, and not old‑fashioned liberalniggerlovers either, but supposedly our kind of whites. Complaining about jobs, or wages, or health care, or the condition of the roads, or prices of things, or about education for their kids. That’s dangerous. Something had to be done. So the Prez did it.
Will it work? The geeks on the other side have forever accused us of playing what they call the “race card” whenever we get into trouble. Well you know something? We would never in a million years admit it, but they’re right. And why not? It’s worked hasn’t it? Dick did it, and Ron did it, and our Jesse, and Newt, and Carney, and the Prez himself, like with last year’s Original Intent Amendment. They all did it. And it’s nothing to be ashamed of, if you’ve got God on your side. And we do have that. So now we’re just playing the race card on a bit of a grander scale, that’s all. It’s going to work, I’m sure of it.
Race‑mixing’s the cause of all our troubles, the Prez sez, so ending it is the cure. And we’re going to learn something from the old South Africa too, before it tragically went the other way 20 years ago. Well, the Prez sez, a group of retired ex‑South African security officers he’s brought in to help us design our new system have told him if he wants to make this set up work he must do one thing very differently from the way they did it.
They let blacks work in the white areas, even though they couldn’t live in them. That, our South African friends tell us, was a critical factor in the downfall of the old regime. Some whites got kind of comfortable with blacks, seeing them around every day and all that. And blacks started to get educated and emboldened by being around whites and seeing that they could get along alright. So we’re not going to make the same mistake. We’re going to keep the races completely separate. The Niggers and the Redskins simply won’t be able to get out of their Republics.
To do that trick, the Prez is talking about putting in some real high‑tech fences that he says have to be seen to be believed. Course we’ll still be able to work the niggers all right. We’re going to set up Enterprise Zones right on their borders. But nobody’s going to be able to get out of, or into, them either.
The Prez did give me some fun stuff to work on for this one, like our new flag. It’s a symbol everyone in the country, White or inferior, will understand the meaning of. It’s based on the good old Stars and Bars of the CSA [Author’s Note: Confederate States of America]. The colors are, of course, red, white, and blue. We just made a couple of little modifications.
Rather than having 11 stars, one for each of the old Confederate States, in each of the four arms of the “X” formed by the bars there is one star, each one standing for one of the four New American Republics, the three we’ve got now and the one we will have soon.
To symbolize our devotion to God in the NAR, at the center of the “X” we have placed the symbol of the agony, devotion, and sacrifice of our Lord, Jesus Christ. So we’re connected in all ways to the very best of our past. The “X” in a square, with the Cross at its center, taken from the flag, has become the militant symbol of our Party.
Jefferson Davis Hague, the Constitution and Power: Repealing the Old Constitution
The Hagueites had just functionally repealed the Constitution of the old United States. Once they had consolidated their power, they also soon suspended the constitutions of each of the 50 states, again using the Presidential decree authority, in combination with, of all things, the Federal supremacy clause, a clause they had taken many whacks at in the cause of constitutional litigation during the Transition Era. They made much of the fact that they had done all this using constitutional means. Of course, in practice the NAR was no more Constitutionalist than the 20th century Soviet Union was Communist. But the whole process looked good on paper.
There was some scattered resistance following the promulgation of the Hague decree, and several thousand people, mainly non‑whites, would be killed around the country during the upcoming “Relocations.” This was mainly the result of HM activity, not any organized military actions. They were few and far between. In that wise, then, this coup was similar, for example, to the American‑backed coup in Chile in 1973 that had overthrown the democratically‑elected government of Salvador Allende Gossens, and the earlier American‑backed coup in Brazil that in 1964 had overthrown the democratically‑elected government of Joao Goulart.
But of course this coup was not against an elected President, but by one against the constitution under which he had had been elected. That it was relatively bloodless was a measure of the demoralization and weakness of the opposition, a weakness Right‑Wing Reaction had so carefully worked to nurture over the years. Despite the relative lack of military‑level violence, however, with the “Declaration of Peace,” on his own Jefferson Davis Hague had declared all‑out war on all the non‑white and some of the white inhabitants of the old United States. Thus the coup was very violent in terms of individuals. As had happened in Germany both at the beginning and throughout the Hitlerite terror, many, many people were detained without charges, “investigated,” and then confined to the camps for an indefinite term without trial. Within a short ten years, the bill for Hague’s war on the American people would come due, and would be paid for with the blood of many Americans, of all colors, classes, and ethnic groups.
The concentration of power in the hands of the Federal Executive Branch was begun by the Republican Richard Nixon and amplified by the Republicans Ronald Reagan and George Bush (Lind, b). Brought to the next higher level by the Last Republican, President Carnathon Pine, under Jefferson Davis Hague, first of the Republican‑Christian Alliance, now of the American Christian Nation Party, the process had been completed.
As alluded to above, the physical creation of the NAR was done with surprising speed and efficiency, and met with little organized resistance. It was extremely well‑planned, in utter secrecy even though thousands of people were involved. This sort of thing was not unusual in the old U.S. For example, the old Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Central Intelligence Agency had managed to keep a great deal of their work secret even in a supposedly “open” society (see, e.g., Cook), even though they had many thousands of employees.
Militarily, Hague had firmly on his side the Helmsmen and most of those militias that had chosen to remain independent of the HM. Together this force totaled about 1.3 million men. In the military itself, there were many officers and enlisted men who were entirely sympathetic to the Hagueites, growing from the nuclei of Right‑Wing Reactionary service‑people that had existed during the Transition Era (Gleick). Also, most of the white‑dominated, thoroughly racist, local police forces came right over to the NAR.
From the Transition Era through the early Fascist Period, the American military had remained the most racially integrated major “corporation” in the old United States. However, during the six months prior to the issuance of the Declaration of Peace, the Hagueite forces within the military quietly established a series of all‑white or nearly all‑white elite units (such as the one the first suspect arrested in the infamous Oklahoma City bombing of 1995, Timothy McVeigh, had belonged to when he was in the Army [Gleick]).
The Hagueites had secretly transferred to these units the lion’s share of heavy weapons, while quietly removing same from the units that had remained integrated, usually on the excuse of “for repairs, maintenance, or upgrading.” By secret order of the Secretary of Defense, the Air Force and Navy had been placed under the control of “sympathetic” officers.
Thus those members of the mostly non‑white units in the armed services who did try to resist the establishment of the NAR were for the most part easily disarmed, demobilized, and deported. These actions were carried out by the newly formed white units within the armed forces, the HM, and the militias. Given the preponderance of firepower on the Hagueite side, and the general rationality of the non‑white troops, there were surprisingly few casualties on either side. Some of the demobilized non‑white troops would become the armed forces for the NAR puppet governments in the Negro and Indian Republics. Others would eventually form the core of the future Resistance forces.
Hague In Charge
In this environment, by issuing his decrees and finding no significant or effective opposition to their implementation, Hague showed who was in charge of the country: himself. Not the Constitution, although he bowed vigorously in its direction, not the Congress, certainly not the courts, long since made irrelevant by Anderson v. Board of Education (see Chapter five), and neither God nor the churchmen.
In regard of the latter, it is interesting to note that neither Hague nor the Congress had ever once used the “Law of God” powers granted to them by the Supremacy Amendment (see Chapter nine). For Hague, they looked good on paper. But attempting to invoke them would almost certainly have required consultation with theological authority, something Hague was absolutely loathe to do.
Hague was a careful user of power. The decree under which he established the New American Republics was only the second he had issued under the authority of the 32nd Amendment in the five years of its existence (the first having been the Proclamation of Right, criminalizing homosexuality). But he also liked to keep power to himself. While he had ridden the Christian Right’s political might to what had become full authority over the nation, he had no intention of sharing any of it with that group he privately called, as previously noted, “those fucking preachers.” Hague was in charge and he intended to remain in charge.
The Why and the What
Why and What are the two critical questions to be answered in understanding this most momentous of events in the history of the old United States: its destruction by technically Constitutional means. What is the essence of Constitutional Democracy? Nothing more, or less, than the Rule of Law, embedded in a set of special laws called a constitution, designed among other things to preserve and enhance the democratic process.
By the mutual consent of the governed and the governors, a constitution is endowed with a high degree of permanence, although in order to deal with changing times and circumstances, it must be amendable. It is designed to stand above the less enduring law enacted by legislatures and laid down by the courts. Indeed, a constitution determines the broad guidelines within which legislative and judicial law is to be made. However, constitutions must be capable of change, both by interpretation and formal amendment. The experience of the old U.S. showed that, as has ours under our Restored Constitution. However, Right‑ Wing Reaction in the old U.S. also showed that a constitution can be used to destroy itself.
The NAR and the Constitution
Now then, what did Right‑Wing Reaction, as personified by one Jefferson Davis Hague, do upon the establishment of the New American Republics? They substituted lock, stock, and barrel of the gun, the rule of men for the rule of law, while all the time claiming that everything they were doing was legal and Constitutional (just as Hitler and the German Nazis had done when they took over state power [Deighton]). And, to repeat, technically the Hagueites were right.
The preservation of real constitutional democracy requires the determined, continued, vigilant, principled, intelligent, alert, participation in that act of the masses of the people. There also must be a leadership devoted to the democratic process, dedicated to the preservation of constitutional democracy (as was the Leadership Council of our own Movement for the Restoration of Constitutional Democracy [see Chapter 19]), concerned with the economic and social interests of all the people of the country, and equipped to carry out its responsibilities. As noted, those conditions were not met in the old United States. In analyzing this national catastrophe, we shall first review Why the Hagueites did what they did and then What in fact they did.
1. The Conditions. Life for most Americans continued to worsen during the second Hague Presidency, as noted by such observers as Conroy herself. Continuing the pattern established during the late Transition Era that continued as noted previously through the early fascist period, the gap between rich and poor widened further, and the standard of living for most Americans continued to decline, although the gap had become so large that the rate of decline was slowing. As deindustrialization/computerization/robotization reached a peak, both immediate employment opportunities and long term career prospects for many Americans became ever more grim. In response to all of this, there was increasing labor unrest, racial unrest, unrest among the ever‑increasing number of poor, accompanied and exaggerated by an increasing level of violence perpetrated by the Helmsmen.
2. The “Solutions”. None of the “solutions to the nation’s problems” introduced by the Republicans, the Republican‑Christian Alliance, or the Hagueites over the years had ever worked. Consecutively, as noted by Alex Poughton in his letter of December 31, 2008 (see Chapter 10), it had been “if we just fix (blank), then the nation will be on the right track.” They got what they wanted in the constitution and the law, from Congressional Term Limits through the outlawing of elective termination of pregnancy to repeal of the 14th Amendment. Each of these moves, or some magic combination of them together, was always supposed “to put things right,” “to reverse half a century of liberal‑inspired national decline,” “to clean the evil out of the stables of the Lord.” But the national course continued to spiral down‑hill just the same.
Why? Because, as previously noted, none of those remedies were aimed at the primary causes of the downward spiral: deindustrialization, the disaccumulation of labor around capital with computerization/robotization, export of capital, underinvestment in national infrastructure, under‑taxation of the wealthy and the large corporations, the resulting ever‑rising gap between the rich and everyone else. Nor under a Right‑Wing Reactionary regime could the remedies be expected to be aimed at the primary causes of the downward spiral.
The real problems just listed resulted from the policies of the economic interests which controlled and paid for the old Republican Party (Nelson; Reno), the Republican‑Christian Alliance, and the American Christian Nation Party in the first place. Right‑Wing Reactionary governments were not about to do anything that would harm economic interests of those forces that controlled them. Indeed the “remedies” those governments implemented were designed precisely to distract the public from paying any attention to the real causes of national problems. However, as also previously noted, when the strategy that had been so successful for so long no longer worked, the only answer was the NAR and fascism (see Appendix II).
3. The New Factor. As noted, from the beginning of Hague’s second term, Right-Wing Reaction considered the newly developing alliances between white and black workers to be quite dangerous. Most historians now agree that the murders back in the 1960s of the then two great black leaders, Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X, had occurred because they were beginning to introduce economic arguments into their political strategies, and beginning, just beginning at that early date, to appeal across the color‑line to similarly affected white workers.
With continually worsening living conditions under the Hague regime, this sort of thing was happening again, even without any national leadership. The potential for an effective black‑white alliance was the real threat perceived by the ACNP and the economic forces they represented. And with whites ever‑more suffering economically from the economic policies of Right‑Wing Reaction, in certain quarters the effectiveness of the traditional race card was beginning to wear thin.
After the First Civil War the former slaveholders in the South had worked very hard to forcefully repress the newly freed slaves and physically and psychologically separate them from their natural allies among the poor white farmers. That was one of the primary reasons for the institution of racial segregation in the post‑First Civil War South of the old U.S. Listen to a fictional reconstruction, considered to be historically accurate, of a speech given by an organizer for the Ku Klux Klan in the South during the First Reconstruction (Fast, 1947, pp. 93‑94):
“A few acts, a nigger put in his place, a rape scare, a lynching—those will come about naturally; and when they come the Klan can ride. . . . We strike—with force, force and terror; because force and terror are the only two things that can decide the issue. . . . The Klan will smash this thing that has arisen. . . . The nigger will be a slave, again, as he has been, as he is destined to be. Yes, he will fight—but he will not be organized for terror, for force, and we will be. Some white men will fight on his side; fear and the badge of a white skin will take care of that.”
At this critical juncture in American history, Right‑Wing Reaction needed to physically separate working‑class whites and blacks, as well as reinforce white racism once again, so as to make resistance more difficult. The creation of the NAR accomplished this end. Right‑Wing Reaction also very cleverly created a cover that conveniently served as a bone for both White and Black separatist supporters of the ACNP.
4. Support for Race Separation. Race separation had been on the agenda of certain elements of the Republican Right, usually surreptitiously, since the rise to prominence of the well‑known Republican politician David Duke of Louisiana during the Transition Era (Lee; Patriquin). The “War Between the States” rhetoric of certain Republican figures of the late Transition Era was interpreted by some as a bow in the same direction. At the time of its formation, the ACNP had incorporated many Far Right organizations which were frankly racial separationist (Peterson; Reiss; Van Biema).
As one of them, the National Alliance, put it (Ness):
“After the sickness of ‘multiculturalism,’ which is destroying America, Britain, and every other Aryan nation in which it is being promoted, has been swept away, we must again have a racially clean area of the earth for the further development of our people. We must have White schools, White residential neighborhoods and recreation areas, White workplaces, White farms and countryside. We must have no non‑Whites in our living space, and we must have open space around us for expansion.”
The ACNP had counted heavily on these groups in forming the Helmsmen, and for providing additional extra-“legal” armed assistance to the Helmsmen in the military actions undertaken in establishing the NAR. Formal separation met the demands of all of these groups and interests. So it had an internal political, as well as external political motivation. The Rightward Imperative continued to work its devilish influence on the descendant of the old Republican Party.
The Physical Division of the Nation
The prime components of the Negro Republic were: the New York City boroughs of Brooklyn and The Bronx; Newark, NJ; the “North End” of Philadelphia, PA; the predominately black Wards, 1, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8, of Washington, D.C.; Charleston, SC; the “Liberty City” section of Miami, FL; Atlanta, GA; Mobile, AL; Memphis, TN; Hattiesburg, MS; East St. Louis, IL; the “South Side” of Chicago, IL; Gary, IN; Detroit, MI; Omaha, NB; Beaumont, TX; the “South Central” and Watts sections of Los Angeles, CA; and Oakland, CA.
Certain rural areas of the South with high concentrations of blacks were also designated as part of the Negro Republic. All blacks not already living in a community so designated were within one month forcibly moved to the one nearest to their former home, in a violent and ruthless process that came to be known as the “Relocations.” Certain other communities were later added to the Negro Republic. However, none were ever established in New England (with the exception of the “Paradise Ghetto” on Martha’s Vineyard, MA, named after the infamous German Nazi show‑concentration camp, Theresienstadt [Davidowicz, p. 137]), the Rocky Mountain States, or the Pacific Northwest.
Within 24 hours of Hague’s Declaration, in an operation that had been secretly and meticulously planned over several months, the designated areas had been temporarily enclosed with hundreds of miles of high‑voltage passive electrified fences. Within a few months following the Declaration of Peace, most of the permanent, early model, proactive, computer‑controlled, “killer fence” walls that made physical separation virtually absolute were erected (see Chapter 15).
All whites living in designated non‑White areas were of course relocated out of them, and were given substantial financial assistance to do so. Monetary assistance took the form of payments for old homes, moving costs, and rent for temporary living quarters in the locales to which they were moved, as well as low‑interest loans to help defray the costs of new homes.
This assistance also took the form of property taken from blacks and Amerindians living in various parts of the country not included in the “Negro” or “Indian” “Republics,” some of those individuals quite well‑off, who had been “Relocated.” This followed the pattern the German Nazis had employed for disposing of stolen Jewish property both in Germany before the commencement of World War II and in the occupied territories during it.
Amerindians living to the west of the Mississippi River outside the designated reservations, and all of those living east of the River, were forcibly relocated to the designated reservations and were not given any assistance of any kind (other than transportation), to do so. For many persons so displaced, the process recalled the many forced marches to which many Amerindians had been subjected during the mass relocations of the 19th century (Brown; Fast, 1953).
Since the “Hispanic Republic” consisted of territory not at the time under the control of the NAR, Latino‑Americans not classified as “black” or “Indian” could not be moved anywhere immediately. When the NAR eventually took control of some of the designated territory in Latin America, some Latino‑Americans were deported. But complete Latino separation was never achieved. They thus ended up living in parts of each of the four “Republics.”
Neither were the members of the large Asian minority that had lived in the old United States segregated, in this case by design. No “Republic” was ever established for persons of Asian ancestry. And thus the strong anti‑Asian prejudices of some of the ACNP’s most loyal, and violent, supporters, were never satisfied. Policy towards the Asian minority was in fact left purposely vague.
First of all, even though racist‑minded Whites in their heads easily lumped all persons of Asian origin together, the group was highly heterogeneous, even moreso than the Latino population. It consisted not only of persons of Chinese, Korean, and Japanese origin, but also of those with ancestry hailing from the Indian sub-Continent and its environs, Southeast Asia, and the Indonesian‑Philippine Archipelago.
Second of all, in regard of the Sino‑Japanese‑origin group, the last thing the Hague Administration wanted to do was antagonize its two major trading partners, China and Japan. Hague was counting on them to stay out of his hair. And they did so (until the concluding phase of the Second Civil War, as is well known).
The major Asian nations did utter pious phrases now and then about “violence and bloodshed,” and the “suppression of civil liberties,” much like the West had done, for example, for four years before forcing a settlement in response to the multi‑level civil war in the former Yugoslavia 20 years before, and in response to China’s suppression of its own “Democracy Movement” in 1989. But trade is trade, and for the most part the race‑based dismemberment of what had been the world’s foremost democracy was treated by the Asian nations as an “internal matter.”
There were important potential benefits for the economic decision‑makers behind the formation of the NAR. Part one was the creation of a separate, truly low‑paid domestic work force, the low‑paid worker energy for the US economy having been originally generated by the North American Free Trade Agreement of 1994 and its successors, and on a grander scale the worldwide export of American capital, having long since been spent. Economically, the NAR created a captive and very cheap labor force, working in sometimes almost slave‑like conditions in the “Enterprise Zones” mentioned by Conroy, known colloquially as “Kempsites” (see Chapter 15).
Part two of the new economic policy was the development of a new domestic physical energy policy, to produce and export fuels cheaper than the foreign petroleum upon which the country’s economy was still dependent and which was now getting to be really expensive as the end of the supply hove into historical view (see Chapters 14 and 16).
And so, after a 30 year dusk, night descended upon the old United States.
An Alex Poughton letter
July 14, 2011
In my letter to you written on Massachusetts’ Patriot’s Day last year, I recall saying that I didn’t think anything these jokers could do could surprise me. I was wrong. On the greatest of American holidays, the one that celebrates “all men are created equal” and “endowed by their Creator” (not God—Jefferson chose his word with care, I am sure), and “certain unalienable rights,” and “it is to preserve these rights that governments are instituted among men” (I’m quoting from memory, so you’ll excuse me if I’ve got a word wrong here or there), with a stroke of the pen (and a meticulously planned, apparently almost flawlessly executed military operation), the Hagueites take it all away.
These guys do so much that is ironic, using the Constitution to destroy it, talking about free speech when without limit they are using it only to verbally assault real and imagined enemies and promote hate. Now “Declaring Peace,” while literally ripping the country apart. I wonder if they ever recognize just how ironic they are. At any rate, you might note the irony that I am writing you this letter about the final end of American freedom and liberty on the day that celebrates the beginning of it in France way back when, Bastille Day. Thank God it still exists there, as well as in the cool green hills of England.
So the fascism that you heard whispered about for the last 30 years is finally and fully here. “Nacht und Nebel,” Night and Fog, the German Nazis decreed for the occupied territories in Europe (Shirer, pp. 957‑58). It descended with a wallop, there. But here “the fog came in on little cat feet,” as the American poet‑historian Carl Sandburg once wrote. It just crept up on the American people bit by bit.
Almost 20 years after apartheid was finally interred in South Africa, it was resurrected (and I chose that word with care) in the United States. How did this happen? It all seemed so contrary to American traditions of freedom, liberty, and openness, so, well, Un‑American.
The Politics of Mythology rampant. The Constitution and especially its Preamble, after all that is what the whole enterprise was for, forgotten. No Democrat worth his (or her) salt. The Left paralyzed. (I don’t think it ever recovered from McCarthyism.) The labor movement moribund. (It never recovered from the old Taft‑Hartley Act, its own “anti‑Communism” and racism, mob influence, and government interference like the infamous state “Right‑to‑Work” laws and support for scab labor.)
Thus no effective opposition. An apathetic electorate with no real alternatives to the Right to vote for. Just like what the old Christian Coalition worked on years ago: “The 15% Solution” [Author’s Note: see chapter two]. They said that would be their road to power. The counted on a declining electorate to win. God, I can remember that Far Right guru Paul Weyrich saying back in 1994, “We don’t want everyone to vote. Quite frankly, our leverage goes up as the voting population goes down” (Freedom Writer). They didn’t.
I don’t know if people like Weyrich and Robertson and the Christian Coalition leadership and so forth ever had anything like this outcome in mind, but electorally “The 15% Solution” worked. The Right won. This is what they got. The wind was seeded and the American people have reaped the whirlwind.
Now, of course, there seems to be mounting opposition. But, to use an old American expression, it’s a day late and a dollar short. Precisely because there is mounting opposition, they’ve got fascism on their hands, and in their bedrooms, their schools, their laps, their heads. When they could vote with effect, they didn’t. (Of course, they had nothing, really, to vote for.) But now if they say boo, it’s off to the camps, in the company of your friendly Helmsman.
Looking back, you can see that the die was cast when Hague won his first term with the “Republican‑Christian Alliance.” That string of amendments. And their legislation, even with the Court out of the way after Anderson. And then the Helmsmen. When Pine was in, even with Right‑Wing Republican control of the Congress, there was still a chance. At least they were still nominally Republicans. At least they seemed to play electoral politics by the rules. The election of 2004, that was the last chance for the preservation of constitutional democracy by Constitutional means here. And the Democrats blew it.
But looking back. Jesus God, what good will that do? The American people have to look ahead and figure a way out of this mess they got themselves into. I wonder how long it will take.
All the best, Alex.
A Parthenon Pomeroy Diary Entry (July 11, 2011)
Yes, yes, yes! This is it! We did it, we did it. We’ve finally got it right. No more niggers, no more spics, no more slanteyes slanty looks. Wow! 25 years of hard work. We’re going to save our country, our freedom, our American way of life. I can’t believe it. But i’d [sic] better believe it. I do believe it. This is going to fix things up all right. Jobs for everyone. Tax cuts, more tax cuts. No more Niggers in the schools, speaking giberish [sic]. This is what we need to get America to where it ought to be, to what it can be, to what it always was and will be again.
15. Good bye, coons! Coon, coon, black baboon. Brutal worthless, thieving goon. Often high, thrives in jail, his welfare check is in the mail. Some 40 offspring have been had, not one will ever call him Dad.
Thanks, God, for blessing us with the New American Republics! And thanks Pat, too.
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Note: 1. There is no indication or evidence that Keith Fournier, Michael Levin, Charles Murray, Rupert Murdoch, William Kristol, Minister Louis Farrakhan, Minister Khallid Abdul Muhammed, Minister Conrad Muhammed, Timothy McVeigh, or any other individual or organization mentioned or alluded to in this chapter or elsewhere in this book in a similar manner, would have supported or approved in any way of the creation of the New American Republics, its structure or function, or of any of the events that subsequently occurred in them or elsewhere as a result of NAR policies and programs.
Author’s Note: 2. This was the standard rhetoric of Right‑Wing Reaction going back to the Transition Era. No matter how much influence and then power they amassed, no matter how dominant they became in the political and cultural arenas (see Chapter 15), they always portrayed themselves as on the losing side, as the underdogs, as downtrodden and misunderstood (Dionne; Kristol; Porteous). At the same time they portrayed themselves as always righteous and destined by God to be ultimately victorious, if not before, then certainly at the Rapture foretold by the Biblical Book of Revelation.
For example, no matter how much Right‑Wing Reactionary talk and religious radio and television there was, in their presentation of reality the “media” were always totally and unalterably “against us.” No matter how many Christian churches there were to be found, in every corner of every community large and small across the nation, Christians, according to the leadership of the Religious Right, Protestant and Catholic alike (Fournier, 1995) were always being “persecuted” and “kept from the public square,” that is if attempts were not being made to banish religion from American life altogether (Fournier, 1993).
They attained much influence and ultimately power, within the old Republican Party and its successors. They eventually took over the Federal government. But no matter. They always cast themselves as having to endlessly struggle to get any political attention at all, much less power, in a “hostile environment,” just as Hague said at this time.
Author’s Note: 3. Notes for an essay by Dino Louis (apparently never written) on the “science” underlying the theory of “black genetic inferiority” can be found in Appendix VI.
Author’s Note: 4. Hague was being somewhat disingenuous here. He claimed he was acting under the provisions of the old U.S. Constitution. And technically he was. But, he had decreed nothing more nor less than the end of the old United States, hardly a routine matter, even if done “constitutionally.”
Further, when the requisite simple majority of the members voting was recorded on the evening of July 3, there was barely a quorum in each House, and the Capitol was ringed by members of one of the elite Helmsmen units, the Hawks’ Heads. Even some of the most loyal members of the ACNP delegation in the Congress had some doubts about what Hague was doing in this instance. Although there is no record of any public disapproval, apparently there was a significant amount of private disapproval. It was even said that the word “dictatorship” was bandied about. But mouths were either kept or forced to remain shut.
The National Emergency decreed by Hague ultimately came to an end only upon the occasion of the collapse of his regime at the end of the Second Civil War. But until that time, Hague maintained that what was in essence an internal coup d’etat had all been undertaken “lawfully.” To be sure, fully in accordance with the requirements of Section 6 of the 32nd Amendment, Hague renewed his declaration of National Emergency every 60 days for the balance of his rule, the last renewal coming just three days before the fall of New Washington on March 17, 2022.
Periodically, Hague called the Congress back from adjournment to enact specific pieces of legislation he wanted. It never did test its rescission authority under the 32nd.
Author’s Note: 5. The irony neither of the original statement nor of Hague’s use of it need be commented upon.
Author’s Note: 6. As to the state governors, now ruling directly like he was, Hague made sure, in one way or another, that each was personally loyal to him. In the early days of the NAR, not all of the Governors were entirely on board. But there were three unexplained deaths among the Governors (two of them lukewarm in their support of Hague, the other, one of his most vigorous supporters). Things then quieted down.
7. In the beginning, the disparate units of the Negro and Indian Republics were “self‑governing” in name only. Puppet governments much like those of the “Bantustans” of the old apartheid South Africa were established. The gradual displacement of those regimes would occur later (see Chapter 15).
Author’s Note: 8. “City on the Hill” was a meaningless phrase borrowed, without attribution, from the extensive collection of such rhetoric left behind by that Right‑Wing Reactionary patron saint, Ronald Reagan.
Author’s Note: 9. It is fascinating that at this late date, the Right‑Wing Reactionaries were still trying to blame everything on political organizations, policies, and movements that were long since dead. But in doing so they were simply following the previously noted pattern laid down during the Transition Era. As a 1995 advertising brochure for the Transition Era magazine The Weekly Standard, published by one of the arch Right‑Wing Reactionaries of the time, Rupert Murdoch, and edited by another, William Kristol, said (1995): “From the New Deal . . . to the Great Society . . . affirmative action . . . to the welfare system . . . the deficit . . . to defense cuts . . . liberals have made America what it is today.”
It is fascinating too to note that Oakwood had by now included the post‑First Civil War Reconstruction leadership in the Pantheon of left and liberal historic devils supposedly responsible for all that was wrong with his contemporary America. He was careful to distinguish that leadership from the “Christian Reconstructionists” upon whom the Hagueites depended so much for their theology.
Author’s Note: 10. There was a certain element of black nationalist leadership which had survived from the Transition Era that was very happy with this turn of events: the so‑called Black Separatists. They took their cue from certain Transition Era black separatist leaders. For example, Minister Conrad Muhammed of Minister Louis Farrakhan’s Nation of Islam had once upon a time said that the old United States should set up separate black areas, and (1993): “[G]ive us the machines and tools we need, and give us 25 years to ‘make it.’ If we don’t make it in 25 years, then you can come in and mow us down with machine guns”.
The next year, Nation of Islam Minister Khallid Abdul Muhammed said (Rosenbaum): “We have a right to seek a nation of our own. White people have a nation. We have a right to freedom and independence. We don’t want to rule you. That would be racist. We don’t want to oppress you. We just want to be left alone.”
And in 1995 the Nation of Islam said (Ness): “We want our people in America whose parents or grandparents were descendant from slaves, to be allowed to establish a separate state or territory of their own—either on this continent or elsewhere. We believe that our former slave masters are obligated to provide such land and that the area must be fertile and minerally rich.”
The new black separatist leadership of course did not get the latter, but they did get power—for a brief period.
Author’s Note: 11. Even during the Transition Era, it was noted that (Sack): “As a symbol of enduring racial tensions in the South [and elsewhere the observer might have noted], the Confederate battle flag is waving just as strongly as ever.”
Author’s Note: 12. There was a great deal of controversy over the choice of the NAR/ACNP symbol. It reflected the two main historical streams that had joined together form the ACNP. They were the Christian Right and the old Republican Party that during the Transition Era had become ever more “Southern‑based” (Lind, a). But, reflecting the Rightward Imperative to which American Right‑Wing Reaction had been subject for over two decades, the militant Far Right, represented by such groups as the Aryan Nations and the newly formed Militias for Christ, became more and more important in the American Christian Nation Party. This was especially so with the growth in the size, power, and authority of the Helmsmen.
Many of these militant Far Right groups used some variation of the old German Nazi Swastika as their symbol. They clamored for its adoption by the NAR, the ACNP, or at least the HM. But Hague was nothing if not astute. He realized early on that too many of his supporters had fathers or grandfathers who had fought in World War II against German Nazism.
In fact, many Right‑Wing Reactionary leaders had managed a neat trick over the years. On the one hand, they were promoting fascist ideas, for example in the areas of controlling human behavior and political expression by legal means backed up by force. On the other, they often loudly declaimed that liberal opponents of, say, hate speech, were “behaving like Nazis.” Also, while many non‑Far Right Hague supporters were anti‑Semitic to a greater or lesser extent, they still linked the swastika and the Nazis with evil. Also, Hague knew how important Right‑Wing Reactionary Jews had been to his success. He needed to be sure that he kept them on board.
Some of Hague’s advisors tried to convince him that thinking that the German Nazis were evil was just liberal and/or Jewish propaganda (The W.A.R. Eagle). But he never bought that argument. Thus even though many of his policies were indistinguishable from those of Nazi Germany, just as mainstream Right‑Wing Reaction had done during the Transition Era he stayed as far away from any symbolic or stated association with overt Nazism as he could.
13. It should be noted that defining precisely what was meant by “non‑white” would come to present some serious problems for Hague and his American Christian Nation Party, just as it had for the German Nazis and the South African apartheid racists. “Scientific racism” (see Appendix V) had glossed over that problem, but the Hagueites had to deal with it in practice. L. Armstrong’s book (2042) is widely regarded as the best review on the subject.
14. Many books have been written about the events surrounding the establishment of the New American Republic and the institution of outright fascism in the old U.S. In my view, the best of these is the recently published The Domino Theory: American Fascism, Real and Imagined by my colleague F. Domino here at the Middletown campus of the New State University of New York. For an alternative view, written closer in time to the Fascist Period by one who lived through it as an adult, see The Rise and Decline of Fascism in the United States by O. Gibbons.
Author’s Note: 15. This rhyme was typical of the racist, anti‑Semitic, homophobic, and violence‑promoting hate propaganda that proliferated around the world towards the end of the Transition Era in the old U.S. It had been circulated widely on the first‑generation international computer network called “The Internet” (Cooper). Why Pomeroy chose to put this old racist rhyme (interestingly enough in a shortened version) into his diary is unclear.
The original edition of “The 15% Solution” is available on Amazon.com and on BarnesandNoble.com. The 2004 print-on-demand re-issue from Xlibris is also available on Amazon.com and on BarnesandNoble.com. You will find a “Sub-Home Page” for the serialization at the lower right-hand corner of the Home Page for www.TPJmagazine.us. It contains such items as the Disclaimer, cast of characters, author’s bio., cover copy, and several (favorable) reviews, and will have a full archive of all the chapters as they are published over time. The serialization is also appearing on www.BuzzFlash.com, Dandelion Salad; The Greanville POST; and TheHarderStuff newsletter.
Jonathan Westminster and biography are based on a pseudonym.
Steven Jonas, MD, MPH is a Professor of Preventive Medicine at Stony Brook University (NY) and author/co-author/editor of 30 books. In addition to being a Columnist for BuzzFlash, Dr. Jonas is also a Contributing Author for TPJmagazine; a Featured Writer for Dandelion Salad; a Senior Columnist for The Greanville POST; a Contributor to TheHarderStuff newsletter; a Contributor to The Planetary Movement; and a Contributing Columnist for the Project for the Old American Century, POAC.